《近代史研究》2007年第3期

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一、中文目录
 

专题论文  

民初“思想界”解析 ——报刊媒介与读书人的生活形态　　 章 清（1）

武汉国民党的“联共”和“分共”　　杨奎松（26）

北京政治的常态和异态 ——关于黎元洪与段祺瑞府院之争的研究　　 汪朝光（51）

从“公推”到“票举”：近代天津商会职员推选制度的曲折演进　　朱 英（66）

清末台湾的防军　　许毓良(78)

李仙得与日本第一次侵台　　李 理 赵国辉(100)

从粤海关档案看清末广东省两次公债发行　　 李爱丽(117)
读史札记 

也谈刘坤一、王文韶的两件电奏 贾小叶（127）

书评与文评  

评郑大华新著《晚清思想史》—— 兼谈晚清思想研究的若干问题  郭汉民（133）

学术综述  

2006年中国近代史研究综述  虞和平（141）
 

二、中文内容提要

民初“思想界”解析——报刊媒介与读书人的生活形态　　章 清 （复旦大学历史系教授）
［内容提要］ 基于报刊媒介所营造的思想环境，及读书人由此展现的新的生活形态，以解析民国初年之“思想界”，是本文的中心论旨。一方面试图说明报刊经历晚清的发展到民国时期有什么新的变化，但这里所说的变化，主要不是指量的变化，而是传播媒介与思想、政治、社会之间的互动。通过这样的研究以检讨民初由报刊所营造的思想环境有怎样的特征；另一方面则试图结合读书人与报刊的互动，尤其是身处大学校园的读书人与报刊的关联，审视读书人的生活形态呈现出的新的特性。无论什么时候，读书人总有展现其身份意义的象征，民初读书人也不例外。透过报刊与大学及读书人的互动，或者可以更好说明民初的思想环境对读书人的塑造，也有助于对民初“思想界”更好的把握。
［关键词］ 思想界|思想版图|社会流动|报刊媒介|生活形态

武汉国民党的“联共”和“分共”　　杨奎松 （北京大学历史学系教授）
［内容提要］1926年底到1937年夏，武汉国民党人的政策从左向右，发生了180度的大转变。导致武汉国民党人政策变化的一个重要原因，是共产党影响下的工农运动的迅猛发展。因为它严重损害了武汉政府赖以生存的脆弱的财政经济基础和军官们的忠诚度。事实上，无论是武汉国民党中央，还是中共中央，这时都曾极力控制工农运动。但中共基层干部的缺乏，特别是在联共（布）党内权力斗争推动下斯大林对中国革命政策的赤裸裸的干涉，不仅使中共的工农政策无法顺应形势做出相应的切实调整，而且更极大地刺激了武汉国民党人的疑惧心理。武汉国民党人从“联共”最终走向“分共”，与此不无关联。
［关键词］国民党|武汉政府|共产党|汪精卫|工农运动

北京政治的常态和异态――关于黎元洪与段祺瑞府院之争的研究　　汪朝光 （中国社会科学院近代史研究所研究员）
［内容提要］袁世凯称帝败亡后，出任国务总理的段祺瑞与继任大总统黎元洪在许多问题上发生激烈的矛盾冲突，形成为总统府和国务院互为对立面的府院之争，并一度成为北京政治的主要矛盾关系。本来，北京政治的常态是内阁主导，惟黎元洪与段祺瑞的府院之争却是例外，实可谓北京政治的异态。然黎段府院之争的结果是，段祺瑞压倒黎元洪后，重新执掌北京政治权力，其中最关键的因素，是段所依靠的武力支持。经过此番波折，北京政治由府院相争的异态复归为内阁主导的常态，但武力支配政治的原则更不可动摇，内阁主导正向武人主导发展，并随着北洋军系的分化和武人干政的发展而得以在其后有更多的表现。
［关键词］北京政治|府院之争|段祺瑞|黎元洪

从“公推”到“票举”：近代天津商会职员推选制度的曲折演进　　朱 英 （华中师范大学中国近代史研究所教授）
［内容提要］近代中国具有现代意义的投票选举制度虽然率先在清末的民间工商社团商会中实行，但各地商会的具体实施过程却并非同步进行。上海、苏州等商会正式成立后即开始制订并实行这一制度，天津商会则在清末坚持采用“公推”的方式推举总理、协理和会董，没有真正实施“票举”。到民国初期，天津商会依然认为“公推”优于“票举”，直至明定商会必须实行投票选举制度的《商会法》公布之后，天津商会还希望政府“准予特殊办法，仍行公推”。但实施“票举”在当时已是大势所趋，1918年天津商会也在章程中拟订了投票选举制度，并由此进入“票举”会长和会董的新时期。自清末至民国时期天津商会从“公推”到“票举”的曲折演进历程，说明在选举制度的建设中，天津商会的领导人在思想认识和实践操作两个方面都偏向于保守，不仅自身缺乏创造性的举措，而且很少主动借鉴和学习其他商会已有的投票选举制度，这种现象也表明了清末民初各地商会对现代投票选举制度的认识并不完全一致。
［关键词］天津商会|选举制度

清末台湾的防军　　许毓良 （中国社会科学院近代史研究所博士后）
［内容提要］台湾始有防军驻防的时间是在同治五年(1866)，此后防军的重要性逐渐超越绿营，成为清末戍台的主力。这些驻台的防军，可以区分为楚军、淮军、福建绿营练军、广东绿营练军、贵州绿营练军、台湾绿营练军。他们当中以淮军最为重要，因为在光绪十一年(1885)台湾建省以后，该部被赋予防卫台湾的重责。防军的驻防，也改变了台湾既有的军队组织。受到影响者包括：台湾绿营、番屯、团练。他们纷纷仿照防军的营制，学习使用洋式武器，甚至领取远比本俸还高额的军饷。至于戍台防军，所参与的战争有对内、对外两种。前者的代表性战役是平定光绪十四年(1888)彰化施九缎事件、十三场的原住民战争，以及追捕土匪。后者是在同治十三年(1874)牡丹社事件、光绪十至十一年(1884—1885)中法战争、光绪二十年(1894)甲午战争中，抵抗日本与法国的入侵。光绪二十一年(1885)台湾的官绅为抗拒《马关条约》割让台湾给日本，遂成立台湾民主国。部分防军加入这场战斗，成为他们戍台的最后一役。
［关键词］清末|台湾|防军|开山抚番

李仙得与日本第一次侵台　　李 理、赵国辉 （中国社会科学院近代史研究所助理研究员、中国社会科学院研究生院博士）
［内容提要］1874年日本以琉球难船事件为由出兵“征台”，拉开了近代日本侵略中国的序幕。此事件与美国人李仙得有着密切的关系。李仙得时受雇于日本政府，充任“准二等出仕”。他向日本政府提出几十件备忘录及意见书，教唆日本政府接受台湾番地为无主之地的主张，并帮助副岛种臣使用奸计骗得了出兵台湾的口实。他还雇船雇员协助日本出兵“征台”，所以，日本此次侵台，从策划到实施，李仙得都积极参与，起了很大的作用。
［关键词］李仙得|日本|侵台|美国

从粤海关档案看清末广东省两次公债发行　　李爱丽 （中山大学历史系讲师）
［内容提要］本文以粤海关档案为基础，从发行办法、公债观念、还款担保和影响因素等方面对广东省1894年息借商款和1905年广东公债的情况进行了翔实的考察，修正了一些不准确的数字，深化了对晚清公债问题的认识。这两次公债发行的整体设计较为合理，粤海关的承办工作也大体透明，在一定程度上避免了公债发行中留难勒索的弊端。两次发行公债，完成的借款数额不同，不宜以借款的用途（军费开支和地方实业）作为判断公债优劣的前提条件。实际借款数额的多寡，主要取决于认购人对政府还款担保的信心——即关税收入能否作为还款担保。庚子后列强掠夺关税收入，清政府关税自主权进一步丧失，还款担保信用低，是1905年广东公债发行失败的根本原因。
［关键词］ 1894年息借商款|1905年广东公债|粤海关|还款担保

也谈刘坤一、王文韶的两件电奏　　贾小叶

评郑大华新著《晚清思想史》—— 兼谈晚清思想研究的若干问题　　郭汉民

2006年中国近代史研究综述　　虞和平
 

三、英文目录提要

Modern Chinese History Studies No.3, 2007

An Analysis of Early Republican “Intellectual Circles”: Press Media and the Life Style of IntellectualsZhang Qing (1)

The main aim of this article is to analyze the intellectual circles in Early Republican China based on the intellectual environment produced by the press media and the new life style among intellectuals that emerged from it. On the one hand, this paper tries to explain the new changes in the press media in Republican China after its development in the late Qing period. However, the changes examined are not quantitative changes; they are the media’s interactions with thought, politics and society. With this approach, we examine what characteristics the press media produced in the intellectual environment of Early Republican China. On the other hand, in order to observe what kinds of new characteristics appeared in the life style of intellectuals, this paper tries to integrate the interactions between the press and intellectuals, in particular the relationship between the press and intellectuals in colleges and universities. In every era intellectuals always have symbols to show their status, and early Republican intellectuals were no exception. Through interactions between the press media and intellectuals, perhaps we can explain better how the early Republican intellectual environment molded intellectuals, and better understand early Republican “intellectual circles.”

The Wuhan Guomindang’s Policies of “Uniting with the CCP” and “Breaking with the CCP” Yang Kuisong (26)

From the end of 1926 to the summer of 1937, the policy of the Guomindang in Wuhan made a 180 degree turn from the left to the right. An important reason that led to the Wuhan Guomindang’s change of policy was the swift development of the workers’ and peasants’ movements under the influence of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), because this situation severely damaged the frail financial base on which the Wuhan government’s existence depended and undermined the loyalty of military officers. In fact, both the Central Committee of the Guomindang in Wuhan or the Central Committee of the CCP did their best to control the workers’ and peasants’ movements at the time. However, the lack of grass-root cadres in the CCP, and especially Stalin’s naked interference in China’s revolutionary policies, driven by the power struggles within the United Communist (Bolshevik) Party, not only rendered the CCP unable to adjust its worker and peasant policies as the changing situation demanded, but also greatly stimulated the Wuhan Guomindang’s suspicious attitude. These facts have implications for the Wuhan Guomindang’s change from “uniting with the CCP” to ultimately setting out to “break with the CCP.”

Normal and Abnormal States of Beijing Politics: A Study of the Controversy between Li Yuanhong’s Presidential Palace and Duan Qiri’s State Council Wang Chaoguang (51)

After Yuan Shikai’s abortive proclamation as emperor and ignominious death, severe contradictions and conflicts arose on many issues between the new premier Duan Qiri and the new president Li Yuanhong, giving rise to an inter-departmental face-off between the Presidential Palace and the State Council. This was for a time the main conflict on Beijing political stage. As a matter of course, the normal state of Beijing politics was for the cabinet to dominate state affairs, but the controversy between Li Yuanhong’s Presidential Palace and Duan Qiri’s State Council was an exception. In fact it could be called an abnormality in Beijing politics. However, the result of the controversy was that Duan Qiri overpowered Li Yuanhong and re-exerted control over political power in Beijing. The key factor in Duan’s victory was his reliance on military force. After this twisted detour, Beijing politics returned from the abnormality of inter-departmental struggle to its normal state of cabinet domination. But the dominance of military force was established even more unshakably. Cabinet domination was developing into military domination. As the Beiyang Army broke up into factions and military interference in government affairs developed, this tendency showed itself more and more.

From “Public Recommendation” to “Election”: The Torturous Evolution of the Staff Election System of the Tianjin Chamber of Commence Zhu Ying (66)

Though election systems in the modern sense were first put into practice in China in chambers of commence—civil industrial and commercial societies—in the late Qing Dynasty, the specific voting processes of chambers of commerce in different places were not the same. After the chambers of commerce in Shanghai and Suzhou were formally established, they immediately began to work out and implement election systems, but the Tianjin Chamber of Commence insisted on choosing general mangers, assistant managers and directors by public recommendation. The Chamber did not implement an “election” system. In the early Republican period, the Tianjin Chamber still thought that “public recommendation” was better than “election.” Even after the promulgation of the Law of Chambers of Commerce, which clearly regulated that the chambers of commerce must implement a system of election, the Tianjin Chamber still hoped the government would give it special permission to continue using “public recommendation.” Nevertheless, implementing “elections” was the trend of the times, and in 1918 the Tianjin Chamber also established an election system in its bylaws, and entered a new era of electing its chairman and directors by vote. The torturous evolution of the Tianjin Chamber of Commerce from “public recommendation” to “election” illustrates that the leaders of the Chamber during the process of establishing the election system were conservative both in thought and action. They not only lacked creative measures, but also showed scarcely any initiative to learn the existing election systems of other chambers of commence. This phenomenon also shows that the understandings of modern election systems differed between chambers of commerce in different places.

The Defense Corps in Taiwan in the Late Qing Dynasty Xu Yuliang (78)

The first time a Defense Corps was stationed in Taiwan was 1866. From then on, the importance of the Defense Corps gradually surpassed the Green Standard Army and became the defensive force in Taiwan. Taiwan’s Defense Corps can be broken down into the Hubei Army, Anhui Army, Fujian Green Standard Militia, Guangdong Green Standard Militia, Guizhou Green Standard Militia and Taiwan Green Standard Militia. Among these the Anhui Army was the most important, because it was entrusted with the key duty to defend Taiwan after Taiwan became a province in 1885. The establishment of the Defense Corps also changed the framework for existing forces in Taiwan, including the Taiwan Green Standard Army, border garrisons and local militias. These forces successively adopted the organization of the Defense Corps, learned to use Western weapons, and even received substantial pay and provisions over and above their original salaries. The Defense Corps in Taiwan participated in two kinds of campaigns: campaigns to pacify domestic disturbances and wars to resist foreign aggression. Typical campaigns of the former type were the campaign to put down the Shi Jiuduan Incident in Zhanghua in 1888, suppressing the native riot in Shisanchang, and hunting bandits. Typical campaigns of the latter type were resistance against Japanese and French aggression in the Mudan She Incident in 1874, the Sino-French War from 1884-1885, and the Sino-Japanese War of 1895. In order to resist Taiwan’s cession to Japan by the Treaty of Shinonoseki in 1895, officials and gentry in Taiwan established the Taiwan Democratic Republic. A part of the Defense Corps participated in this campaign, which turned ou to be their final battle to defend Taiwan.

Charles William Legendre and Japan’s First Invasion of Taiwan Li Li, Zhao Guohui (100)

Looking at Two Public Debt Issues by Guangdong Province in the Late Qing Period Based on the Archives of the Canton Customs Li Aili (117)

Two Telegrahic Memorials to the Throne from Liu Kunyi and Wang Wenshao Jia Xiaoye (127)

Review: Zheng Dahua’s New Work: History of Late Qing Thought——Also a Discussion of Some Issues in the Study of Late Qing Thought Guo Hanmin (133)

Summary of Studies on Modern Chinese History in 2006 Yu Heping (141)

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