《近代史研究》2007年第2期

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　　一、中文目录

　　专题论文

　　近代地方文化的跨地域性：20世纪二三十年代粤剧、粤乐和粤曲在上海 程美宝(1)

　　政党建置与民初政制走向——从“革命军起，革命党消”口号的提出论起 杨天宏 (18)

　　南京国民政府初期中央大学区试验及其困境 许小青 (40)

　　认识他者与反观自我：近代中国人的韩国认识 王元周(61)

　　学术讲演

　　欧洲中心霸权和民族主义之间的中国历史 阿里夫·德里克(80)

　　京都大学人文科学研究所共同研究班：以中国近代史为例 狭间直树(93)

　　意大利法西斯政府与西安事变 瓦尔多·费拉蒂(107)

　　问题讨论

　　康有为与公车上书 ——读《“公车上书”考证补》献疑(二) 房德邻(111)

　　读史札记

　　四渡赤水研究中的几个问题的探讨 孙果达( 132)

　　晚清中国教习在新式高等教育机构的薪酬初探 商丽浩 (137)

　　学术综述

　　“1910年代的中国”国际学术研讨会述论 杨 宏(142)

　　“第二次中国历史上的‘三农’问题”学术研讨会综述 郑起东(150)

　　“晚清国家与社会”国际学术讨论会述评 朱从兵、王国平(154)

　　“民国河北高等法院档案与近代华北社会”学术研讨会述论 把增强(157)

　　二、中文内容提要

　　近代地方文化的跨地域性——二十世纪二、三十年代粤剧、粤乐和粤曲在上海　　程美宝

　　[内容提要]上海自开埠以来，吸引了大批来自广东的商人，他们在沪上陆续建立起各种同乡、同业和其他文娱组织，赞助举办各种粤剧、粤乐和粤曲活动。1920-1930年代，粤剧、粤乐和粤曲在上海一方面吸纳了其他剧种和音乐文类的特色而在许多方面发生了关键性的变化;另一方面，其本来不一定十分明显的地域标签，也在这种特殊的情境中得到强化。当时粤乐的创作和实践活动，更是在一个探索何谓“国乐”的大语境中进行的。此外，在上海兴起的时代曲，也为粤曲注入了新的调子，至30-40年代，新兴的国语时代曲被大量地引进粤曲之中;而粤曲的粤方言特色，也在这个时候得到前所未有的发挥。从20-30年代粤剧、粤乐和粤曲在上海的发展可见，近代中国“地方文化”的特性，往往是在一个跨地域的情景中塑造和凸显的。

　　[关键词]粤剧|粤乐|粤曲|粤商|上海

　　政党建置与民初政制走向——从“革命军起，革命党消”口号的提出论起　　杨天宏

　　[内容提要]“革命军起，革命党消”是章太炎为适应武昌起义之后中国政制转型之需要而提出的政治口号。“革命党”是秘密结社，与依托议会开展合法政治活动的“政党”有着本质区别。消除“革命党”是为了组织“政党”，推进中国的民主政制建设。然而，一度因应形势改建“政党”的国民党，其革命情结始终难以消去，其党人的思想行为在很大程度上还停留在革命阶段。“宋案”发生后，国民党回归“革命党”立场，重新走上“革命”之路。在国民党“继续革命”的过程中，不仅袁世凯和北洋军阀成为打击目标，孙中山等人在革命之初选择的西方议会民主政制也在事实上遭到否定。这种一箭双雕的政治打击，对近代中国的政制建设产生了“破旧”却没能真正“立新”的复杂的历史影响。

　　[关键词]章太炎|革命党|政党|政制转型

　　南京国民政府初期中央大学区试验及其困境　　许小青

　　[内容提要]1927年国民政府定都南京，为重建新的学术中心，将东南大学等校合并成首都最高学府。同时，国民政府也率先在此进行大学区制试验。在两年半的试验过程中，首都大学与中央政府、江苏地方政府之间，围绕校名的确立、经费分配和人事安排进行了系列的明争暗斗。在政局变动的大背景下，1929年底中央大学区制在一片反对声中被取消。设计者本是从学术独立化的角度提出大学区制，但在实际的操作中却陷入政治纷扰之中，显示出教育制度移植过程中深受国情制约的一面;同时，中央大学区制在实验中也演变成为国立大学挤占地方教育资源的制度依托，集中反映出这一时期中央与地方在教育资源分配中的矛盾冲突，尤其是国民政府在建设“首都最高学府”中“心有余而力不足”的窘境。

　　[关键词]大学区|中央大学|江苏

　　认识他者与反观自我：近代中国人的韩国认识　　王元周

　　[内容提要]朝鲜的兴亡是近代中国人从传统中华主义向近代民族主义转变的重要参照物，因而中国人的韩国认识与近代思想演化有着密切的联系。复杂的国际国内环境，东西思想的冲突，以及深厚的历史记忆，使近代中国人在对韩认识方面往往不得不面临种种情感和思想的困境。首先，对于大韩帝国灭亡一事，虽然中国人普遍谴责日本帝国主义的背信弃义和侵略行径，但是为了唤起国民，追求自强，中国人又往往更愿意从其内部来寻找其亡国之原因;其二，在如何认识日本帝国主义下朝鲜的殖民地近代性问题，有人持肯定、甚至赞叹的态度，也有人认识到近代化成就背后朝鲜人民所遭受的苦痛，直到日本侵占中国东北以后才基本统一到彻底的反殖民主义立场之上;其三，近代中国人的韩国认识往往受到历史记忆的很大影响，对宗藩关系的记忆增进了中国人对支援韩国独立运动的责任感，同时中国支援韩国独立运动也是因为中国人认为朝鲜半岛对于中国来说有重要的地政学意义，关系到中国乃至整个东亚的和平与安全。这种对韩认识的复杂性体现了近代中国他者认识与自国认识的相关性，也对中国近代民族主义的形成具有一定的影响。

　　[关键词]中国人|韩国认识|大韩帝国|殖民地近代性|历史记忆|民族主义

　　欧洲中心霸权和民族主义之间的中国历史　　阿里夫·德里克

　　京都大学人文科学研究所共同研究班：以中国近代史为例　　狭间直树

　　意大利法西斯政府与西安事变　　瓦尔多·费拉蒂

　　康有为与公车上书 ——读《“公车上书”考证补》献疑(二)　　 房德邻

　　四渡赤水研究中的几个问题的探讨　　孙果达

　　晚清中国教习在新式高等教育机构的薪酬初探　　商丽浩

　　“1910年代的中国”国际学术研讨会述论　　杨 宏

　　“第二次中国历史上的‘三农’问题”学术研讨会综述　　郑起东

　　“晚清国家与社会”国际学术讨论会述评　　朱从兵　王国平

　　“民国河北高等法院档案与近代华北社会”学术研讨会述论　　把增强

　　三、英文目录提要

　　Modern Chinese History Studies No. 2, 2007

　　The Trans-locality of Local Cultures in Modern China: Cantonese Opera, Music, and Songs in Shanghai, 1920s-1930s Cheng Meibao (1)

　　After Shanghai became a treaty port in 1843, a considerable number of Guangdong merchants and compradors came to the city. They successively established native-place associations, trade associations and other kinds of social organizations, and sponsored various Cantonese musical activities. During the 1920s and 1930s, on the one hand, many aspects from Cantonese opera, music, and song underwent important changes after absorbing some elements of other regional operas and music. On the other hand, some previously obscure regional markers were enhanced in this special environment. The writing and realization of Cantonese music was undertaken in the context of the search for a “national music”. Furthermore, the popular music flourishing in Shanghai also injected new tunes into Cantonese song. In the 1930s and 1940s, newly appearing Mandarin songs were incorporated into Cantonese song on a massive scale, while at the same time the Cantonese dialect characteristic of Cantonese song was given play as never before. From looking at the process of development of Cantonese opera, music, and song in Shanghai in the 1920s and 1930s, we can see that the features of “local culture” in modern China were always shaped and expressed in a trans-regional environment.

　　The Establishment of Political Parties and the Political System’s Trend in Early Republican China: Beginning with the Appearance of the Slogan “As the Revolutionary Armies Rises, the Revolutionary Party Disappears”Yang Tianhong (18)

　　The slogan “As the revolutionary armies rises, the revolutionary party disappears” was a political slogan put forward by Zhang Taiyan to meet the needs of the transformation in the Chinese political system after the Wuchang Uprising. The “revolutionary party” was a secret association, fundamentally different from the “political parties” undertaking legal political activities based on the parliamentary system. The aim of eliminating the “revolutionary party” was to build “political parties” and promote China’s democratic system. However, though the Guomindang reorganized as a “political party” for a time to adapt to the new situation, the Party’s revolutionary feelings were never extinguished, and to a great extent the thoughts and actions of its members remained stuck in the revolutionary stage. After the assassination of Song Jiaoren, the Guomindang returned to a evolutionary stance, and set out on the “revolutionary road” once more. In the course of the Guomindang’s “ongoing revolution”, not only Yuan Shikai and the Beiyang warlords became objects of attack, in actuality the Western parliamentary democratic system chosen by Sun Yat-sen and his comrades in the early revolutionary period was rejected as well. This double political assault exerted a complicated political influence on modern China’s political system by “destroying the old” while failing to “establishing the new”.

　　The Experiment with a University District System in the Early Nanjing Government Period and It’s DifficultiesXu Xiaoqing (40)

　　In 1927, the Nationalist Government chose Nanjing as its capital. In order to build a new academic center, the Government combined Southeastern University with other colleges to make the capital’s highest educational institution. At the same time, the Government tried to implement a university district system. Over the course of this two and a half year experiment, the capital university clashed both openly and behind the scenes with the central government and the Jiangsu provincial government over such issues as choosing the university’s name, allocating funds, and personnel arrangements. Amidst a changing political situation and opposed by more and more people, the central university district system was dismantled in late 1929. Its designers had proposed the university district system out of concern for academic independence, but in practice it was embroiled in political disputes. This indicates that the transplant of a foreign educational system was constrained by national conditions. At the same time, the central university district system gradually became in the course of the experiment an instrument through which national universities could get hold of local educational resources. This is a concentrated reflection of the contradictions and conflicts between the central government and the local governments over the distribution of educational resources. In particular, it reflects how the Nationalist government’s embarrassment as its abilities fell short of its ambitions in building “the capital’s highest educational institution”.

　　Understanding the Other and Self-observation: Modern Chinese People’s Perception of Korea

　　Wang Yuanzhou (61)

　　The rise and fall of Korea was an important reference point for modern Chinese people in the transition from traditional sinocentrism to modern nationalism. Therefore, Chinese understandings of Korea were closely related to the evolution of modern ideology. The complicated international and domestic situation, conflicts between Eastern and Western ideology, and a rich historical memory presented modern Chinese with all manner of difficulties—both in sentiment and in ideology—in their perceptions of Korea. Firstly, regarding the downfall of the Korean empire, though Chinese people generally condemned the duplicitous and aggressive acts of Japanese imperialism, yet they always preferred to look for internal reasons leading to Korea’s downfall, in order to alert their compatriots and encourage self-strengthening. Secondly, how was one to understand Korea’s colonial modernity under Japanese rule? Some people took an affirmative, even laudatory view, while others recognized the suffering of the Korean people that lay behind the achievements of modernization. It was only when Japan occupied Northeast China that a basic unity was achieved on a thoroughly anti-colonialist stance. Thirdly, modern Chinese people’s understandings of Korea were always greatly affected by historical memory, and the memory of suzerain-vassal relations strengthened the Chinese people’s sense of responsibility for supporting the Korean independence movement. On the other hand, another reason why the Chinese people supported the movement was that they thought the Korean peninsula was geo-politically important to China and closely tied to the peace and security of China and indeed all of East Asia. The complexity of these understandings of Korea indicated the connection between understandings of the other and self-realization, and exerted a definite influence on the form of modern Chinese nationalism.

　　Chinese History between Eurocentric Hegemony and Nationalism Arif Dirlik (80)

　　The Kyoto University Institute of Humanities Joint Research Group: Modern Chinese History as an Example Hasama Naoki (93)

　　Fascist Italy and the Xi’an Incident Valdo Ferretti (107)

　　Kang Youwei and the Joint Petition: Questions for “A Supplement to Evidentiary Studies of the 1895 ‘Joint Petition of Imperial Examination Candidates to the Emperor’” Written by Mao Haijian (2)

　　Fang Delin (111)

　　Several Problems in Studies of The Red Army’s Four Crossings of the Chishui River

　　Sun Guoda (132)

　　Salaries of Late Qing Chinese Teachers in New-Style High Educational Institutions

　　Shang Lihao (137)

　　International Seminar on “China in the 1910s” Yang Hong (142)

　　Seminar on “Chinese History’s Second ‘Three Rurals’ Problem (Agriculture, Peasantry and Countryside)”Zheng Qidong (150)

　　International Seminar on “State and Society of the Late Qing Period”

　　Zhu Congbing, Wang Guoping (154)

　　Seminar on “Republican-Era Hebei Province Superior Court Documents and Modern North China Society” Ba Zengqiang (157)

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