《近代史研究》2007年第4期

点击阅读全文

一、中文目录

专题论文   
王觉一与末后一着教新探 韩志远（1）
1924—1927年中俄会议研究 唐启华（29）
1920年代国内蒙古问题之争——以中俄交涉最后阶段之论争为中  敖光旭（55）
检疫、种族与租界政治 ——1910年上海鼠疫病例发现后的华洋冲突  胡　成（74）
近代西北皮毛贸易与社会变迁 ——以甘宁青绥四省为例  胡铁球（91）
两难的抉择：晚清中英关于香港在中国沿海贸易中的地位之争 曹 英（109）
读史札记   
“康有为自写年谱手稿本”阅读报告 茅海建（120）
20世纪30－40年代的实业界星五聚餐会 张守广（143）
名家访谈   
为学贵在勤奋与一丝不苟——瞿同祖先生访谈录  瞿同祖 赵利栋（147）
书讯《回应革命与改革：皖北李村的社会变迁与延续》 韩敏箸 陆益龙 徐新玉译

二、中文内容提要

王觉一与末后一着教新探　　韩志远（中国社会科学院近代史研究所研究员）
［内容提要］ 晚清时期发生了一件震惊朝野的大案，即末后一着教案。此案首犯是名叫王觉一的教主。他利用宗教作掩护长期在民间进行反清活动，其创建的末后一着教组织分布于直隶、山东、河南、安徽、江苏、江西、湖北、四川等18个省。从光绪七年（1881）起，末后一着教几次试图组织反清武装暴动，最终被清朝官军镇压下去。随后，在“务获严办”、“务绝根株”的圣谕之下，清政府在全国范围追剿王觉一及其徒众。然而，直到光绪十年末此案结案时，不仅教首王觉一漏网，大部分骨干成员也踪迹皆无。与此同时，有关该教的核心机密也随之一起消失。本文利用新发现的档案资料对末后一着教问题重新进行探讨，内容涉及教主王觉一的生年、籍贯、姓名、教派名称、该教创立的时间、经书与图文的流传、组织及其活动情况、政治目的、清朝各级政府对该教案的审理等问题。
［关键词］王觉一|末后一着教|晚清|民间宗教

1924－1927年中俄会议研究　　唐启华（政治大学历史系教授）
［内容提要］俄国十月革命后，苏联曾两次发表对华宣言，表示愿放弃在华旧约特权。但在建交谈判时，加拉罕坚持必须谈判新约取代旧约。最后双方妥协成先议定解决悬案大纲，建交后再开正式会议，“在会议中”具体解决悬案。然而，应在一个月内召开、六个月内完成的会议，却迁延了一年三个月才勉强开幕，陆续召开之各分委员会，也因双方认知差距过大，无法达成共识，到1926年夏已大体停顿。迨张作霖搜查北京苏联大使馆，中苏外交关系实质断绝，“中俄会议”随之告终，未能获致任何具体成果。因此，苏联放弃在华特权之承诺，并未落实。
［关键词］ 中俄协议|中俄会议|加拉罕|王正廷

1920年代国内蒙古问题之争——以中俄交涉最后阶段之论争为中心　　敖光旭（中山大学孙中山研究所教授）
［内容提要］蒙古问题既为中俄复交久拖不决之主要原因，亦因中俄交涉而由舆论之边缘进至中心视野。知识界由友俄，到出现联俄与仇俄之争，苏俄对蒙古问题的介入，乃是导致这一变化最敏感、最直观之因素。各方对“民族自决”及其基本范畴之不同阐释与论争，将蒙古问题高度意识形态化。随主权话语渐次压倒革命话语，告别“自决”之趋势因以出现。“民族自决”本为被压民族、国家之理想诉求，其流播世界辄成不同势力之政治利器。蒙古问题乃20世纪一二十年代国内首要之民族问题，外来“民族自决”在此遭遇特殊困境，促使其由外交及政治争端，延伸至思想学术领域，并对中国民族学之建构发生特殊影响。
［关键词］民族自决|蒙古问题|主权|革命|中俄交涉

检疫、种族与租界政治——1910年上海鼠疫病例发现后的华洋冲突　　胡 成（南京大学历史系教授）
［内容提要］1910年10月初，上海公共租界发现鼠疫病例，由于“不卫生”的华人被视为疾病蔓延的温床，外人市政当局采取了带有明显种族偏见的检疫措施，华洋关系骤然紧张，引发了多起华人下层民众的街头骚动。为了防止事态进一步恶化，华人精英提出自主检疫的主张，与外人进行协调和谈判，同时努力说服普通民众和平抗争，迫使外人最终不得不做出让步。在此后的检疫和救治过程中，华人精英一丝不苟，普通民众主动配合，不但让外人刮目相看，且也使华人增加了参与租界政治的信心。联系事态的连锁反应和后续发展，此次华人争取自主检疫的抗争，可视为推动英帝国威权在上海租界渐次崩衰的重要一环。
［关键词］鼠疫|检疫|种族|租界|华人社会

近代西北皮毛贸易与社会变迁　　胡铁球（宁夏大学人文学院历史系讲师）
［内容提要］自清代晚期以来，随着中西贸易的不断深化和扩大，皮毛贸易逐渐成了整个西北商业、金融运行的“发动机”，这个“发动机”不仅有力地推动了西北城镇布局的演变，而且还有力地改变了西北牧民的消费结构。前者主要表现在西北城镇布局从以河西走廊为中心逐渐转变为以沿黄河为中心的格局，也就是说，西北城镇布局由历来以东西为主转变为以南北为主的格局；后者主要表现在牧民购买粮、布等生活用品的数量和品种的急剧增加，从而使其衣食结构等方面发生了重大变化。不仅如此，皮毛贸易还引起了西北牧民的思想意识和生产结构等诸方面的变化，这些也是值得关注和研讨的问题。
［关键词］西北|皮毛|比重|演变

两难的抉择：晚清中英关于香港在中国沿海贸易中的地位之争　　曹　英（湖南师范大学历史文化学院讲师）
［内容提要］ 晚清时期，香港沦为英国的殖民地，与中国内地贸易的性质相应发生变化。第二次鸦片战争以后，中英两国协议，按照条约规定，在中国沿海贸易中将香港视为外国口岸。但是由于税收利益冲突，中英双方对于香港在国内转运贸易中的地位问题存在着难以抉择的两难局面，双方都希望香港能够在不同的情况下享有外国口岸和中国口岸的双重待遇，但双方的要求又是完全对立的，由此而引发了复杂的冲突与交涉。最后，1886年中英《香港鸦片贸易协定》正式确认了香港在沿海贸易中的外国口岸地位。这一问题充分体现了英国对华经济侵略的强权性质，反映了清政府主权观念的淡薄和经济发展意识的缺乏，但清政府反对从香港的走私和绕运，也有利于保护国家税收，维持经济秩序。
［关键词］中英|香港|沿海贸易|地位|争端

“康有为自写年谱手稿本”阅读报告　　茅海建（北京大学历史学系教授）
［内容提要］戊戌变法失败后，康有为在日本所作的《我史》（发表时被题名《康南海自编年谱》），一直是研究康有为及戊戌变法史的重要史料，然对其写作时间及部分内容史学界却一直感到困惑。又由于康有为在《我史》中的用语，或有与史实不尽相同之处，该史料也为严肃史家所慎用。本文根据《我史》的手稿本（题名为“康有为自写年谱手稿本”），对《我史》的书名、写作时间及其各抄本与刊本的关系进行了考订，大体可确定其光绪二十四年末的写作时间，也认定各抄本、刊本在文字上与“手稿本”并无大的差异。本文作者又对“手稿本”上康有为本人的修改进行了辨认，发现《我史》已经过康有为事后的修改，内容有了不小的变化，其中《民功篇》应写于光绪十三年，《人类公理》、《公理书》属后来的添加，而大同的思想、诸天讲的思想也属后来的添加。
［关键词］康有为|《我史》|《康南海自编年谱》|《民功篇》|人类公理》

20世纪30－40年代的实业界星五聚餐会　　张守广（西南大学历史学院副教授）
［内容提要］20世纪30－40年代实业界星五聚餐会，是由中国银行总经理张公权发起而逐渐形成的一个以定期聚会、座谈为主要活动方式的社会团体。在纷乱异常的中国政治社会环境中，星五聚餐会从上海辗转到香港、重庆等地，历尽艰难，由小到大，不断发展，先后举行聚餐座谈会近千次，产生了广泛的经济和社会影响，应当给予适当的评价。
［关键词］星五聚餐会|组织特点|活动方式|20世纪30－40年代|实业界

 为学贵在勤奋与一丝不苟——瞿同祖先生访谈录　　瞿同祖 赵利栋

书讯　　韩敏箸 陆益龙 徐新玉译

《回应革命与改革：皖北李村的社会变迁与延续》

三、英文目录提要

Modern Chinese History Studies No.4, 2007

A New Probe into Wang Jueyi and the Mohou Yizhao Cult

Han Zhiyuan (1)

In the late Qing period there was a major case that shocked both court and commoners, the case of the Mohou Yizhao Cult. The chief criminal of the case was Wang Jueyi, the founder of the cult. Taking religion as a cover, he undertook anti-Qing activities in Chinese society over a long period of time. His cult spread through eighteen provinces including Zhili, Shandong, Henan, Anhui, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hubei and Sichuan. Starting from the seventh year of Guangxu (1881), the cult tried several times to stage anti-Qing uprisings, but all of them were suppressed by Qing forces. From then on, the Qing government pursued Wang Jueyi and his followers in accordance with Emperor Guangxu’s edict to “severely punish” and “uproot” them. However, by the time the case was wound up in the tenth year of Guangxu, not only had the founder Wang Jueyi not been found, there was of the other key members either. At the same time, the Cult’s key secrets also disappeared. Using newly found documents, this paper re-probes several problems of the Mohou Yizhao cult: founder Wang Jueyi’s birth year, birth place and name; the name of the cult; the date of the founding of the Cult; the spread of its scriptures and images; its organization and activities; its political aims; and the trials related to the cult conducted by all levels of the Qing government.

A Study of the Sino-Russian Conferences, 1924-1927

Tang Qihua (29)

After the October Revolution, the Soviet Union had issued two declarations to China and expressed its willingness to give up all privileges established by old treaties. However, in the process of negotiating the establishment of diplomatic relations, Leo Karakhan maintained that new treaties must be negotiated before the old treaties could be replaced. The two parties finally made a compromise: to first agree on an outline for the resolution of all unsettled questions, and then, after establishing diplomatic relations, to formally hold a conference “during which” the details of all unsettled questions would be resolved. The conference should have been held within one month and concluded within six months, but it was only belatedly held after a delay of one year and three months. The conferences that were held successively by sub-committees had generally halted by the summer of 1926 because the great differences between the two parties prevented them from reaching an agreement. When Zhang Zuolin sent troops to ransack the Soviet embassy in Beijing and Sino-Soviet diplomatic relations substantially broke down, the Sino-Russian conference immediately stopped, having gained no concrete results. Therefore, the Soviet Union’s promise of giving up all privileges in China did not come true.

Controversies over the Mongolia Issue in China in the 1920s: Centered on Arguments in the Late Stages of the Sino-Russian Negotiations

Ao Guangxu (55)

For a long time the Mongolia issue was the main obstacle to the re-establishment of Sino-Russian diplomatic relations, and it also became a focus of public opinion because of the Sino-Russian negotiations. The pro-Russia intelligentsia began to split into two factions: one favored uniting with Russia and another was hostile to Russia. Later all intellectuals became suspicious of Moscow’s world revolution theory. The most sensitive and direct reason for their suspicions was the intervention of Russia in the Mongolia issue. The different explanations of and debates over “national self-determination” between different factions made the Mongolia issue highly politicalized. As the sovereignty discourse gradually overwhelmed the revolution discourse in China, a tendency to abandon “national self-determination” appeared. “National self-determination” was the ideal pursuit of oppressed nations and countries, and it became a political weapon in the hands of different forces when it spread all over the world. The Mongolia issue was the most important national issue in China in the 1920s. The imported notion of “national self-determination” encountered difficulties in China, impelling it to expand into intellectual and academic fields from the realm of diplomatic and political disputes, and letting it exert a special influence on the building of China’s ethnology.

Quarantine，Race and Politics in the International Settlement: Clashes between Chinese and Foreigners after the Outbreak of Plague in Shanghai in 1910

Hu Cheng (74)

In the early October of 1910, plague cases were discovered in the Shanghai International Settlement. Since the “unsanitary” Chinese were regarded as a seedbed for the spread of the plague, the Shanghai Municipal Council implemented quarantine regulations with obvious race prejudices. This led to a sudden strain in the relationship between Chinese and foreigners, resulting in several street riots by working-class Chinese. In order to prevent the further deterioration of the situation, the elite Chinese proposed to quarantine themselves voluntarily. They coordinated and negotiated with the foreigners, and at the same time tried to persuade ordinary Chinese people to protest peacefully, and in the end foreigners were forced to make a concession. In the following process of quarantine and treatment, the elite Chinese were scrupulous and ordinary Chinese were cooperative. All of this made the foreigners look at Chinese with new eyes, and it also enhanced Chinese people’s confidence to participate in political affairs in the Shanghai International Settlement. Judging from the chain reaction set in motion by the event, and its successive development, this Chinese protest through demanding voluntary quarantine should be regarded as an important link in the chain that gradually eroded the power of Britain in the Shanghai International Settlement.

The Fur Trade and Social Change in Modern Northwest China

Hu Tieqiu (91)

Beginning in the late Qing period, along with the successive deepening and extending of Sino-Western trade, the fur trade gradually became the “engine” of all commerce and finance in Northwest China. The “engine” not only strongly promoted the development and spread of towns in the Northwest, but also forcefully changed the consumption framework of Northwestern herders. The former change can be seen mainly in the fact that the distribution of towns in the Northwest gradually shifted from a pattern centered along the corridor to the west of the Yellow River, to a pattern following the course of the Yellow River itself, i.e. the traditional east-west axis of Northwest China’s towns became a north-south axis. The latter change was mainly embodied in the fact that the number and variety of articles purchased by herders—such as grains and textiles—increased rapidly, leading to important changes in the structure of their material lives. Moreover, the fur trade also led to changes in many other areas, such as the Northwestern herders’ ideas and the structure of production. These questions also deserve attention and research.

Dilemma: Disputes between China and Britain over Hong Kong’s Status in the Chinese Coast Trade in the Late Qing Period Cao Ying (109)

Reading Report on Kang Youwei’s Manuscript of His Own Life Chronicle

Mao Haijian (120)

The Friday Dinner Parties of the Business Community in the 1930s and 1940s

Zhang Shouguang (143)

The Key to Doing Academic Research is Diligence and Meticulous Care: An Interview with Mr. Qu Tongzu

Qu Tongzu, Zhao Lidong (147)

阅读电子书返回顶部

上一篇：《近代史研究》2007年第3期

下一篇：《近代史研究》2007年第5期